The final chapter synthesises the findings and offers an alternative theoretical interpretation through the lens of core-periphery relations. It argues that Iran’s identity crisis reflects structural asymmetries between central authorities and marginalised peripheries—ethnic, religious, and intellectual. The chapter evaluates how discursive power operates to reproduce inequality while generating resistance at cultural and regional levels. It critically re-examines the relationship between religion, modernity, and national identity, proposing pluralism and dialogical discourse as possible alternatives to hegemonic frameworks. The book concludes with reflections on the future of identity politics in Iran and its implications for pluralism and democracy. The core-periphery concept proposes a classification of contemporary civilizations into two main layers: the core and the periphery. The core regions, characterized by their concentrated economic, political, and social resources, exert principal authority over periphery geographical regions. This theory suggests that under capitalism systems and national governments, peripheral regions are very vulnerable to economic fluctuations, leading to their ongoing poverty and restricted progress while the core regions prosper. The marginalization of peripheral industries and the central region’s overwhelming control over economic and political resources exacerbate the existing economic and social inequalities between the two regions. This dynamic can be explained through Michael Hechter’s theory of internal colonialism, which posits that peripheral regions are systematically subordinated by the core through economic extraction and political centralization. Anthony Smith’s scholarly approach clarifies that the distinction between the core and periphery regions arises from the fundamental mechanisms of capitalism, resulting in differences in both geographical scope and social organization (Smith, 2012). Furthermore, these inequalities affect not just the economic domain but also the political and social structure. Broadly speaking, central governments seek to exercise full control over peripheral regions by establishing state institutions and administrative structures and suppressing local civil unrest.

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The Alternative Discourse of Power and the Core-Periphery Theory

  • Reza Talebi

摘要

The final chapter synthesises the findings and offers an alternative theoretical interpretation through the lens of core-periphery relations. It argues that Iran’s identity crisis reflects structural asymmetries between central authorities and marginalised peripheries—ethnic, religious, and intellectual. The chapter evaluates how discursive power operates to reproduce inequality while generating resistance at cultural and regional levels. It critically re-examines the relationship between religion, modernity, and national identity, proposing pluralism and dialogical discourse as possible alternatives to hegemonic frameworks. The book concludes with reflections on the future of identity politics in Iran and its implications for pluralism and democracy. The core-periphery concept proposes a classification of contemporary civilizations into two main layers: the core and the periphery. The core regions, characterized by their concentrated economic, political, and social resources, exert principal authority over periphery geographical regions. This theory suggests that under capitalism systems and national governments, peripheral regions are very vulnerable to economic fluctuations, leading to their ongoing poverty and restricted progress while the core regions prosper. The marginalization of peripheral industries and the central region’s overwhelming control over economic and political resources exacerbate the existing economic and social inequalities between the two regions. This dynamic can be explained through Michael Hechter’s theory of internal colonialism, which posits that peripheral regions are systematically subordinated by the core through economic extraction and political centralization. Anthony Smith’s scholarly approach clarifies that the distinction between the core and periphery regions arises from the fundamental mechanisms of capitalism, resulting in differences in both geographical scope and social organization (Smith, 2012). Furthermore, these inequalities affect not just the economic domain but also the political and social structure. Broadly speaking, central governments seek to exercise full control over peripheral regions by establishing state institutions and administrative structures and suppressing local civil unrest.