When organised chronologically, the first of two thousand naturalisation files in our sample is that of Ruperto Abaigar, a Spaniard who obtained his citizenship in 1888. The last file is that of Gertrudis Francisca Carmen Plá, a 52-year-old Spanish teacher, single, who obtained her citizenship in 1932. Most files correspond to applicants from Western Europe. Unsurprisingly, given Argentina’s immigration demographics, the vast majority cite two countries of origin, Italy (784) and Spain (730). The sample reflects a timeline of naturalisations observable in the Ministry of Justice’s data. However, while the cases bookending our sample might give the impression that one would find a numerical balance between men and women applicants in the file set, this is nothing further from the truth. Of the two thousand files, 1963 represent men and only 37 represent women. The experiences of these women offer particularities; their stories potentially lost within a legal language that was largely transcribed in the generic masculine. Recriminations against foreigners who did not naturalise and propaganda that sought to make citizenship more attractive also used the generic male and referred exclusively to the behaviour of men. Before we take a closer look at the ways in which some women looked to make use of the opportunities warranted in the formulation of the law, we must also examine how men did so.

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Naturalisation from a Gender Perspective

  • Pilar González Bernaldo de Quirós

摘要

When organised chronologically, the first of two thousand naturalisation files in our sample is that of Ruperto Abaigar, a Spaniard who obtained his citizenship in 1888. The last file is that of Gertrudis Francisca Carmen Plá, a 52-year-old Spanish teacher, single, who obtained her citizenship in 1932. Most files correspond to applicants from Western Europe. Unsurprisingly, given Argentina’s immigration demographics, the vast majority cite two countries of origin, Italy (784) and Spain (730). The sample reflects a timeline of naturalisations observable in the Ministry of Justice’s data. However, while the cases bookending our sample might give the impression that one would find a numerical balance between men and women applicants in the file set, this is nothing further from the truth. Of the two thousand files, 1963 represent men and only 37 represent women. The experiences of these women offer particularities; their stories potentially lost within a legal language that was largely transcribed in the generic masculine. Recriminations against foreigners who did not naturalise and propaganda that sought to make citizenship more attractive also used the generic male and referred exclusively to the behaviour of men. Before we take a closer look at the ways in which some women looked to make use of the opportunities warranted in the formulation of the law, we must also examine how men did so.