This chapter discusses Japanese scrambling. It has been noticed that there arises a dilemma when we consider how clause-internal scrambling is characterized in terms of A/A’-properties: while it shows an A’-property with respect to reconstruction effects of Condition C, it shows A-properties with respect to anaphor binding and weak crossover. It is argued that this dilemma is solved by explaining the Condition C reconstruction effects under our movement theory of anaphora. As evidence for this approach, it is demonstrated that Condition C reconstruction effects are not affected by scope reconstruction. It is further argued that with a proper constraint on the timing of lexical overlay, we can explain the fact that relevant Condition C reconstruction effects are suppressed when pronouns that would induce Condition C violations are located within the VP domain or in the embedded clauses. We finally consider how to characterize chains produced by scrambling in general. It is argued that the A-properties of clause-internal scrambling arise when the resulting chains constitute part of larger chains that establish operator-variable relations. Given that long-distance scrambling shows only A’-properties, we are led to conclude that scrambling produces an operator-variable chain unless it needs to be taken as a semantically vacuous chain.