This chapter examines how contemporary migration regimes operate through a racial logic, with anti-trafficking policies functioning as key instruments within this apparatus. By tracing the origins of international anti-trafficking efforts, the chapter shows that although trafficking is publicly framed as a human rights concern, it is primarily addressed as a matter of national security. Within this framework, migrants from the Global South are often constructed as threats to Italy’s racial and moral order. Against this context, only a small group of “good migrants” is understood as deserving of state protection. However, even when Nigerian women are formally recognised as trafficking victims and granted residence, their right to remain is contingent on a racialised and gendered image of passive victimhood—one that offers only constrained social mobility within Italian society. Yet, the chapter reveals that Nigerian women—whether identified as victims or as madams—do not passively accept this immobilisation. Instead, both groups strategically engage with and challenge dominant narratives of “good migrant” to access rights and secure their place in Italy. The interview space becomes a site of negotiation and resistance, where women assert agency within a system designed to racially immobilise them.

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Nigerian Women and Racial Borders

  • Milena Rizzotti

摘要

This chapter examines how contemporary migration regimes operate through a racial logic, with anti-trafficking policies functioning as key instruments within this apparatus. By tracing the origins of international anti-trafficking efforts, the chapter shows that although trafficking is publicly framed as a human rights concern, it is primarily addressed as a matter of national security. Within this framework, migrants from the Global South are often constructed as threats to Italy’s racial and moral order. Against this context, only a small group of “good migrants” is understood as deserving of state protection. However, even when Nigerian women are formally recognised as trafficking victims and granted residence, their right to remain is contingent on a racialised and gendered image of passive victimhood—one that offers only constrained social mobility within Italian society. Yet, the chapter reveals that Nigerian women—whether identified as victims or as madams—do not passively accept this immobilisation. Instead, both groups strategically engage with and challenge dominant narratives of “good migrant” to access rights and secure their place in Italy. The interview space becomes a site of negotiation and resistance, where women assert agency within a system designed to racially immobilise them.