This chapter traces how feminist counterpublics and allied fields leveraged the internet for protection, pedagogy, and mobilisation—while confronting platform architectures and rising conservatism, in clashes that are typically traced back to the 2013 mass protests that took over Brazil. It maps practical TFGBV victim support infrastructures, such as acoso.online (regional legal guidance for NCII), and the repertoire of resistance (digital security, evidence preservation, networked solidarity, reporting to platforms and authorities), alongside reflections on their limits. Historically, it asks whether “the internet is feminist”, contrasting early cyberfeminist hopes with Latin American organising and feminist media traditions that long predated social media. It returns to the Carolina Dieckmann Law (2012) to show how a celebrity case catalysed device-intrusion crimes yet left gendered harms unaddressed. Finally, it shows how feminist counterpublics grew amid Brazil’s new right and the crisis of a young democracy, context collapse, and attention-economy affordances (e.g. Orkut/Facebook, WhatsApp), culminating in mass feminist street mobilisations (#MarchaDasVadias, #EleNão) that braided online and offline tactics.

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The Internet of Activism and the First Laws

  • Mariana Valente

摘要

This chapter traces how feminist counterpublics and allied fields leveraged the internet for protection, pedagogy, and mobilisation—while confronting platform architectures and rising conservatism, in clashes that are typically traced back to the 2013 mass protests that took over Brazil. It maps practical TFGBV victim support infrastructures, such as acoso.online (regional legal guidance for NCII), and the repertoire of resistance (digital security, evidence preservation, networked solidarity, reporting to platforms and authorities), alongside reflections on their limits. Historically, it asks whether “the internet is feminist”, contrasting early cyberfeminist hopes with Latin American organising and feminist media traditions that long predated social media. It returns to the Carolina Dieckmann Law (2012) to show how a celebrity case catalysed device-intrusion crimes yet left gendered harms unaddressed. Finally, it shows how feminist counterpublics grew amid Brazil’s new right and the crisis of a young democracy, context collapse, and attention-economy affordances (e.g. Orkut/Facebook, WhatsApp), culminating in mass feminist street mobilisations (#MarchaDasVadias, #EleNão) that braided online and offline tactics.