This chapter first discusses the entertainment value of conspiracy theories, and the larger news-entertainment industry which includes a broad variety of trivialities presented as worthy of one’s attention while lacking an economic aspect. I argue Alex Jones performs the function of delegitimizing alternative media, which contributes to the subject’s sense of political futility; there is a maximization of the aesthetic in Jones’ broadcasts which holds for political speech; there is a shared posturing of subversive affect, and a basic structural identity between legacy media and “fake news,” and as such they perform the same function of maintaining an economic status quo. Second, I discuss the convergences and divergences of the radical imagination and the conspiratorial imagination, whose crucial aspect is the presence or lack thereof of an economic aspect. We reaffirm, in conclusion, that the usefulness of conspiracy-theorizing exists at a detached level, which investigates the effects, affects, and aesthetics of conspiracy theorizing as a mode and organizing principle. Such an analysis can lead to productive mappings of the social/cultural/political present. All of this also leads us to conclude that an aspect of empathy is crucial in our engagement with conspiracy culture, as it may yet be a site of coalition and transformed into a meaningful radical or progressive politics.

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Entertainment!

  • Daniel C. Mazurek

摘要

This chapter first discusses the entertainment value of conspiracy theories, and the larger news-entertainment industry which includes a broad variety of trivialities presented as worthy of one’s attention while lacking an economic aspect. I argue Alex Jones performs the function of delegitimizing alternative media, which contributes to the subject’s sense of political futility; there is a maximization of the aesthetic in Jones’ broadcasts which holds for political speech; there is a shared posturing of subversive affect, and a basic structural identity between legacy media and “fake news,” and as such they perform the same function of maintaining an economic status quo. Second, I discuss the convergences and divergences of the radical imagination and the conspiratorial imagination, whose crucial aspect is the presence or lack thereof of an economic aspect. We reaffirm, in conclusion, that the usefulness of conspiracy-theorizing exists at a detached level, which investigates the effects, affects, and aesthetics of conspiracy theorizing as a mode and organizing principle. Such an analysis can lead to productive mappings of the social/cultural/political present. All of this also leads us to conclude that an aspect of empathy is crucial in our engagement with conspiracy culture, as it may yet be a site of coalition and transformed into a meaningful radical or progressive politics.