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<p>On the one hand, political polarization is necessary for a&#xa0;plural democracy, which must never be satisfied with a&#xa0;permanent lack of alternatives regarding its central principles and values. On the other hand, polarization can become dysfunctional for democracy when the absoluteness of the rejection of political opponents leads to the endorsement of anti-democratic attitudes and measures, when politics is seen as a&#xa0;zero-sum game and the diversity of legitimate opinions, attitudes, and identities is neglected. The identity of democracy is to prevent this in the long run and to balance competing elements instead. Based on this premise, the article aims to explain why the extent of affective polarization in established democracies varies greatly, using Norway and Italy as two case studies according to the <i>most similar case design</i>. Accordingly, it argues for a&#xa0;holistic view of a&#xa0;country’s political culture that takes into account historical path dependencies and upheavals and thereby reveals whether a&#xa0;democratic society is more or less willing to accept and balance competing conceptions of democracy.</p>

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Affective polarization and democratic identity: a comparison of Italy and Norway

  • 期刊论文

  • 出版模式：

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  • 发表日期：

    2025年1月16日

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  • Simon Bein

摘要

On the one hand, political polarization is necessary for a plural democracy, which must never be satisfied with a permanent lack of alternatives regarding its central principles and values. On the other hand, polarization can become dysfunctional for democracy when the absoluteness of the rejection of political opponents leads to the endorsement of anti-democratic attitudes and measures, when politics is seen as a zero-sum game and the diversity of legitimate opinions, attitudes, and identities is neglected. The identity of democracy is to prevent this in the long run and to balance competing elements instead. Based on this premise, the article aims to explain why the extent of affective polarization in established democracies varies greatly, using Norway and Italy as two case studies according to the most similar case design. Accordingly, it argues for a holistic view of a country’s political culture that takes into account historical path dependencies and upheavals and thereby reveals whether a democratic society is more or less willing to accept and balance competing conceptions of democracy.