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<p>This paper addresses a central question regarding the syntactic structure of nominal coordination: the c-command relations between conjuncts. That is, is there c-command between the conjuncts, and if so, what c-commands what? We argue that data from coordination of ≥3 conjuncts has been underappreciated in this area. We present novel Mandarin Chinese, English, and Japanese data (i) from quantifier binding and (ii) from reflexive binding (both with inanimate binders and animate logophoric binders) indicating a lack of c-command between conjuncts. We propose that only a subset of existing analyses of coordination structures predicts the absence of c-command, and an additional interpretive pattern involving subgrouping of conjuncts. Our data also reveal a previously unnoted (as far as we are aware) pattern in Q-binding and logophoric binding, which we call ramification effects: the first conjunct (and only the first conjunct) can bind the <i>i</i>th (i &gt; 2) conjunct only if it also binds the (i-1)th conjunct. We argue that previously observed cases of Q-binding and reflexive binding from the first conjunct to the second conjunct are in fact limiting cases of ramification effects. We analyze ramification effects with <i>compression</i>, which is an extension of the ordered-sequence analysis of coordinate structures recently proposed by Chomsky.</p>

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Lack of c-command in coordinate structures: Evidence from binding

  • 期刊论文

  • 发表日期：

    2025年4月2日

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  • Alan Hezao Ke,
  • Andrew McInnerney,
  • Yushi Sugimoto

摘要

This paper addresses a central question regarding the syntactic structure of nominal coordination: the c-command relations between conjuncts. That is, is there c-command between the conjuncts, and if so, what c-commands what? We argue that data from coordination of ≥3 conjuncts has been underappreciated in this area. We present novel Mandarin Chinese, English, and Japanese data (i) from quantifier binding and (ii) from reflexive binding (both with inanimate binders and animate logophoric binders) indicating a lack of c-command between conjuncts. We propose that only a subset of existing analyses of coordination structures predicts the absence of c-command, and an additional interpretive pattern involving subgrouping of conjuncts. Our data also reveal a previously unnoted (as far as we are aware) pattern in Q-binding and logophoric binding, which we call ramification effects: the first conjunct (and only the first conjunct) can bind the ith (i > 2) conjunct only if it also binds the (i-1)th conjunct. We argue that previously observed cases of Q-binding and reflexive binding from the first conjunct to the second conjunct are in fact limiting cases of ramification effects. We analyze ramification effects with compression, which is an extension of the ordered-sequence analysis of coordinate structures recently proposed by Chomsky.