<p>The resultative compound construction in Modern Chinese has certain functionally augmented forms, most commonly in the modal and aspectual dimensions. In this study, we introduce a new dimension of functional augmentation for resultative compounds: the illocutionary dimension. Specifically, we examine the morpheme <i>tɕi</i> in Xinchang Wu, which is infixed into resultative compounds and simultaneously functions as a quasi-perfect marker and a quasi-mirative marker. In its quasi-mirative function, <i>tɕi</i> highlights deviation from the speaker’s subjective expectation or desire regarding the result state. We analyze <i>tɕi</i> as a telicity-marking Inner Aspect head equipped with an additional illocutionary feature. Its speaker-oriented effect is derived through Agree with the clausal left periphery, and its infixal position results from verb movement. Moreover, we examine similar uses of <i>tɕi</i> outside resultative compounds and demonstrate that they are also accounted for by our formal analysis. Our findings reveal a grammatical strategy to systematically encode speaker attitude in the lexical domain and lend further support to the syntactic approach to Chinese resultative compounds.</p>

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Encoding speaker attitude in result: a study of the infix tɕi in Xinchang Wu resultative compounds

  • Chenchen Song,
  • Chenghao Hu

摘要

The resultative compound construction in Modern Chinese has certain functionally augmented forms, most commonly in the modal and aspectual dimensions. In this study, we introduce a new dimension of functional augmentation for resultative compounds: the illocutionary dimension. Specifically, we examine the morpheme tɕi in Xinchang Wu, which is infixed into resultative compounds and simultaneously functions as a quasi-perfect marker and a quasi-mirative marker. In its quasi-mirative function, tɕi highlights deviation from the speaker’s subjective expectation or desire regarding the result state. We analyze tɕi as a telicity-marking Inner Aspect head equipped with an additional illocutionary feature. Its speaker-oriented effect is derived through Agree with the clausal left periphery, and its infixal position results from verb movement. Moreover, we examine similar uses of tɕi outside resultative compounds and demonstrate that they are also accounted for by our formal analysis. Our findings reveal a grammatical strategy to systematically encode speaker attitude in the lexical domain and lend further support to the syntactic approach to Chinese resultative compounds.