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<p>Since van Urk (2015), composite [A/Ā] probes have been widely adopted for movements that exhibit both A- and Ā-properties. However, the interaction between the [A] and [Ā] features in composite probes is still poorly understood, particularly regarding which feature acts as the movement trigger. This paper addresses this gap by investigating the <i>lian</i>...<i>dou</i> construction in Mandarin Chinese. Although movements in the <i>lian</i>...<i>dou</i> construction are motivated by the same focus interpretation, DP foci undergo A-movement whereas VP and CP foci undergo Ā-movement. I argue that this state of affairs follows from the composite [A/Ā] probe involved in the <i>lian</i>...<i>dou</i> construction and its interaction with principles of economy. VP and CP foci agree with the [A/Ā] probe only in the [Ā] feature, resulting in Ā-movement of these foci. By contrast, DP foci are fully matching goals. When both types of movement are possible for DP foci, an explicit economy calculus implies that A-movement is a more economical derivation than Ā-movement. Consequently, while DP foci undergo A-movement due to economy, only Ā-movement is available for VP/ CP foci.</p>

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Derivational economy in composite probing: the case of the lian...dou construction in Mandarin Chinese

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  • 发表日期：

    2025年9月10日

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  • Huacheng Cao

摘要

Since van Urk (2015), composite [A/Ā] probes have been widely adopted for movements that exhibit both A- and Ā-properties. However, the interaction between the [A] and [Ā] features in composite probes is still poorly understood, particularly regarding which feature acts as the movement trigger. This paper addresses this gap by investigating the lian...dou construction in Mandarin Chinese. Although movements in the lian...dou construction are motivated by the same focus interpretation, DP foci undergo A-movement whereas VP and CP foci undergo Ā-movement. I argue that this state of affairs follows from the composite [A/Ā] probe involved in the lian...dou construction and its interaction with principles of economy. VP and CP foci agree with the [A/Ā] probe only in the [Ā] feature, resulting in Ā-movement of these foci. By contrast, DP foci are fully matching goals. When both types of movement are possible for DP foci, an explicit economy calculus implies that A-movement is a more economical derivation than Ā-movement. Consequently, while DP foci undergo A-movement due to economy, only Ā-movement is available for VP/ CP foci.