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<p>In <i>determiner sharing</i>, a quantifier may be omitted from a coordination in the context of another ellipsis. This paper proposes a novel analysis on the basis of new German data: determiner sharing arises from the interaction of clausal ellipsis and split topicalization. I show that the apparent parasitism of determiner sharing can be derived without any further assumptions. The success of this analysis supports Move-and-Delete approaches to ellipsis.</p>

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Determiner sharing in German by clausal ellipsis and split topicalization

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  • 发表日期：

    2025年7月11日

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  • Luise Schwarzer

摘要

In determiner sharing, a quantifier may be omitted from a coordination in the context of another ellipsis. This paper proposes a novel analysis on the basis of new German data: determiner sharing arises from the interaction of clausal ellipsis and split topicalization. I show that the apparent parasitism of determiner sharing can be derived without any further assumptions. The success of this analysis supports Move-and-Delete approaches to ellipsis.